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In the round-two scramble for $3.4 billion in federal grants, the need for school district and union buy-in鈥攁 relatively small, but crucial part of any winning formula鈥攑oses a policy puzzle for the competing states.
U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan, who in past statements has emphasized the importance of such support, has recently made it clear that a watered-down Race to the Top application won鈥檛 win on the strength of significant school district and union backing.
And figuring out just how much buy-in matters in the is not a simple endeavor.
Local district participation is directly implicated in 70 of the 500 points, or 14 percent. Teacher union endorsement also helps states rack up those 70 points, but doesn鈥檛 play as significant a role as district buy-in.
Far trickier, however, is figuring out how important approval is in the rest of the application.
鈥淏uy-in isn鈥檛 here as a separate thing because expert judgment plays a part,鈥� said Joanne Weiss, the department鈥檚 Race to the Top director, noting that some states, for example, don鈥檛 have teachers鈥� unions. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a very complex environment out there.鈥�
And that makes it impossible to quantify just how many points buy-in is truly worth, said Andy Smarick, a visiting fellow with the Washington-based Thomas B. Fordham Institute who has been tracking and writing extensively about Race to the Top.
鈥淭he reviewers can make buy-in a much bigger part of the points system, an indeterminate amount really,鈥� he said, adding that the department could offer peer reviewers more clear guidelines on just how that support should be judged.
Scrapping for Advantage
The second round of the competition, financed through the economic-stimulus package Congress passed last year, officially kicks off June 1 when applications are due. Between them, Delaware and Tennessee won about $600 million in round one; $3.4 billion of the original $4 billion is up for grabs. ("$3.4 Billion Is Left in Race to Top Aid,鈥� April 7, 2010.)
To win a grant, states must propose high-quality reform plans in four areas: standards and assessments, teacher and principal effectiveness, data systems, and turning around low-performing schools. Those plans, together, are worth 240 points, or 48 percent鈥攆ar eclipsing the buy-in component.
But part of the peer reviewers鈥� job in judging whether the plan is high-quality is determining whether the state can implement the plan鈥攁nd that鈥檚 where endorsements may come in, at least indirectly.
That was the case in several states鈥� initial applications. California, Michigan, and Wisconsin, among others that didn鈥檛 win in the first round, were criticized by the peer reviewers for not having union support for their plans to improve teacher and principal effectiveness based on student performance. That teacher- and principal-effectiveness section alone is worth 58 points, but specific points are not dedicated to buy-in; instead, peer reviewers use their judgment in awarding points.
In the quest for round-two grants, the debate over how much support from districts and teachers鈥� unions is needed to win has taken on a life of its own in various states. As the next application deadline nears, states including Colorado, Indiana, Massachusetts, Minnesota, and Rhode Island have gotten into skirmishes with their unions over how to beef up their applications while still retaining union backing. (鈥淭ensions Flare in Race to Top鈥檚 Second Round,鈥� April 28, 2010.)
Mr. Duncan sat on the sidelines for weeks as states and unions bickered about Race to the Top applications. But recently, he has played up his message that bold reforms will take priority in the competition over 鈥渨atered down鈥� proposals that have consensus.
鈥淎t the end of the day, we鈥檙e going to [fund] the strongest proposals whether they have tremendous buy-in or not,鈥� said Mr. Duncan in an April 26 conference call with business leaders.
鈥淲atered-down proposals with lots of consensus won鈥檛 win,鈥� he said in a that same day. 鈥淎nd proposals that drive real reform will win.鈥�
And in on May 2 in the Denver Post, he said, 鈥淪till others have misread our intent in designing Race to the Top, believing that watered-down reforms with broad buy-in is the best strategy, although nothing could be further from the truth.鈥�
To be sure, Mr. Duncan himself initially emphasized the importance of district and union endorsement when he of the first round on March 29.
鈥淧erhaps most importantly, every one of the districts in Delaware and Tennessee is committed to implementing the reforms in Race to the Top, and they have the support of the state leaders as well as their unions,鈥� he said.
Follow the Numbers
States looking for direction as to how much buy-in really matters need look no further than the 500-point grading scale. This complicated math puzzle鈥攚ith 19 categories鈥攕cores states on everything from the strength of their charter school laws to how much progress they鈥檝e made in raising the achievement gap.
While the notion of buy-in may be indirectly embedded in other parts of the application, it is most clearly expected in three separate categories, worth 70 points out of the total 500 possible.
First, a state can get up to 45 points for securing the commitment of local school districts. The more districts that participate, the more points won. But while a district superintendent鈥檚 signature is necessary for a district to count as participating, the local union representative鈥檚 signature is not required鈥攖hat signature will result in more points, although a set number is not specified in the regulations.
A state can earn a maximum of 15 points in a second, related category, which asks applicants to translate that district participation into statewide impact.
Finally, states can earn 10 points in a third category, which weighs broad stakeholder support to demonstrate state capacity. Here, states provide signatures of support from groups such as the state鈥檚 teachers and principals鈥攊ncluding the state鈥檚 teachers鈥� union or association鈥攁nd businesses, charter school authorizers, and community leaders. Although a specific number of points is not allotted for the union support, Ms. Weiss said a state would 鈥減robably not鈥� earn the full 10 points without support from the statewide teachers鈥� union.
Indiana schools chief Tony Bennett spent the past few weeks after learning his state lost in round one trying to figure out how to come back with a stronger application. Along the way, he鈥檚 butted heads with the state teachers鈥� union over issues such as evaluating teachers based on performance.
In the end, Mr. Bennett says he thinks he鈥檚 figured out the formula for winning鈥攖hat a state needs to have strong state laws that foster education reform, and union support. Given that, he doesn鈥檛 think Indiana can win.
鈥淵ou either have to have excellent statutory conditions, or if you don鈥檛 have that, you have to have tremendous union buy-in,鈥� said Mr. Bennett, who decided not to compete in round two after he couldn鈥檛 get support from local and state unions. 鈥淭he best scenario is both. Indiana has neither.鈥�
